๐—ฆ๐˜†๐˜€๐˜๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—ฆ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฎโ€“๐—•๐˜‚๐—ฑ๐—ฑ๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€๐˜ ๐—˜๐—ป๐—ด๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ง๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ถ๐—น ๐—›๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ

Eelaththu Nilavan
Tamil National Historian | Analyst of Global Politics, Economics, Intelligence & Military Affairs

A Structural Analysis of Land Appropriation, Militarisation, and Cultural Erasure (2026 Status)

๐—œ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—ฑ๐˜‚๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป: ๐—™๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐—ฃ๐—ผ๐˜€๐˜-๐—ช๐—ฎ๐—ฟ ๐—ฅ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜๐—ฟ๐˜‚๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฆ๐˜๐—ฟ๐˜‚๐—ฐ๐˜๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—š๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ

Since the formal end of the armed conflict in 2009, Sri Lankaโ€™s Northern and Eastern Provincesโ€”historically recognised as the Tamil homelandโ€”have not entered a genuine post-war recovery phase. Instead, they have been subjected to a slow, calculated, and institutionalised process of structural destruction, best understood as Structural Genocide.

This process does not rely on mass killings. Rather, it functions through:

โ€ข Permanent land dispossession

โ€ข State-backed demographic restructuring

โ€ข Militarisation of civilian space

โ€ข Cultural and religious overwriting

โ€ข Administrative and legal manipulation

At its core, this is a state-driven Sinhalaโ€“Buddhist political project, implemented through military power, civilian departments, and religious symbolism.

๐—œ. ๐—ฃ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ ๐—Ÿ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ ๐—ช๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ป: ๐—•๐˜‚๐—ฑ๐—ฑ๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€๐˜ ๐—˜๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜ ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—๐—ฎ๐—ณ๐—ณ๐—ป๐—ฎ

The Jaffna Peninsula represents one of the most striking examples of post-war cultural engineering. Here, private Tamil land has become the primary targetโ€”not incidental collateral.

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐˜๐˜๐—ถ ๐—ง๐—ถ๐˜€๐˜€๐—ฎ ๐—ฅ๐—ฎ๐—ท๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ต๐—ฎ ๐—ฉ๐—ถ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ: ๐—” ๐—ฆ๐˜†๐—บ๐—ฏ๐—ผ๐—น ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ฆ๐˜๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ ๐—œ๐—บ๐—ฝ๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ถ๐˜๐˜†

In Valikamam North, Thaitti village, more than 12 Tamil familiesโ€™ legally owned private lands were forcibly seized under military protection to construct the Tissa Rajamaha Vihara.

Key characteristics of this encroachment:

โ€ข No valid land acquisition procedure
โ€ข No consent from landowners
โ€ข No lawful religious construction permits
โ€ข Ongoing court cases are ignored in practice

Despite documentary proof and sustained legal resistance by the owners, the land remains occupiedโ€”demonstrating how law functions selectively when Sinhalaโ€“Buddhist expansion is involved.

๐—›๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ต ๐—ฆ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜๐˜† ๐—ญ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐—–๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜ ๐—–๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜๐—ฟ๐˜‚๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฆ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐˜€

In areas such as Palaly and Kankesanthurai, private lands remain fenced off under the pretext of โ€œnational security.โ€
However:

โ€ข Landowners are denied access
โ€ข Civilian activity is prohibited
โ€ข Buddhist shrines, stupas, and monk residences quietly emerge within these zones

This reveals a disturbing contradiction:
If land is too โ€œsensitiveโ€ for its Tamil owners, how is it safe for permanent religious construction?

๐—–๐˜‚๐—น๐˜๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—œ๐—ป๐˜ƒ๐—ฎ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—ก๐—ผ๐—ป-๐—ฆ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฎ ๐—”๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐˜€

In Mathagal and Nagadeepa, where no Sinhala civilian population exists, Buddhist religious markers are installed along coastal and private lands.
This is not worshipโ€”it is territorial marking, aimed at:

โ€ข Altering future ownership claims
โ€ข Establishing โ€œhistorical presenceโ€ narratives
โ€ข Normalising Sinhalaโ€“Buddhist dominance

๐—œ๐—œ. โ€œ๐—”๐—ฟ๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฒ๐—ผ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ด๐˜†โ€ ๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ ๐—Ÿ๐—ฒ๐—ด๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ช๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ป

The Department of Archaeology has emerged as one of the most powerful tools of land appropriation in the North-East.

๐—ž๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ฑ๐˜‚๐—ฟ ๐— ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ถ (๐— ๐˜‚๐—น๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐˜‚): ๐—˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—Ÿ๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—›๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐˜‚ ๐—›๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ด๐—ฒ

At Kurundur Malai:
โ€ข An active Ayyanarโ€“Siva worship site was suppressed
โ€ข Court restrictions were ignored
โ€ข A large vihara was completed regardless

Approximately 300 acres of surrounding Tamil agricultural land were seized, cutting off livelihoods and access.

๐—ฉ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ๐—ฑ๐˜‚๐—ธ๐—ธ๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ถ ๐— ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ถ (๐—ฉ๐—ฎ๐˜ƒ๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ถ๐˜†๐—ฎ)

A centuries-old Saiva worship site is now undergoing forced Buddhist transformation:

โ€ข Tamil religious symbols removed
โ€ข Statues damaged or displaced
โ€ข Worship criminalised

This reflects a deliberate attempt to redefine sacred geography.

๐—•๐—ฎ๐˜๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ฎ & ๐—ง๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ฒ (2025โ€“2026)

Sudden โ€œarchaeological surveysโ€ in areas like Vakarai and Thalaiyadi have resulted in:

โ€ข Immediate civilian displacement
โ€ข Land transferred to state control
โ€ข No transparency or community consultation

๐—œ๐—œ๐—œ. ๐—•๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ง๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ถ๐—น ๐—›๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ: ๐—ง๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ฒ โ€“ ๐— ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ ๐—ฆ๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ด๐˜†

One of the most dangerous state objectives is the geographical severing of the North and East.

๐— ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ (๐—ช๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ถ ๐—ข๐˜†๐—ฎ)

โ€ข Tamil villages renamed with Sinhala terminology
โ€ข Thousands of Sinhala families settled
โ€ข Military-backed administration imposed

This zone functions as a demographic wall, blocking Tamil territorial continuity.

๐—ž๐˜‚๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ถ & ๐—ง๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜ƒ๐—ฎ๐—ฑ๐—ถ

Through planned settlements, the Sinhala population has risen to 36%, a dramatic shift from pre-independence demographicsโ€”irreversibly altering political representation.

๐—œ๐—ฉ. ๐—™๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฟ๐˜† ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—š๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜‡๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—Ÿ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฆ๐—ฒ๐—ถ๐˜‡๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ

๐— ๐—ฎ๐˜†๐—ถ๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ฑ๐˜‚ โ€“ ๐— ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ƒ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—ถ

Traditional Tamil grazing lands have been:

โ€ข Occupied by Sinhala settlers
โ€ข Protected by monks and security forces
โ€ข Rendered inaccessible to Tamil cattle farmers

Livelihood destruction here is economic ethnic cleansing.

๐— ๐˜‚๐—น๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐˜‚

Land declared โ€œforest reservesโ€ suddenly becomes available when:

โ€ข Buddhist structures are proposed
โ€ข Monks request access

The law applies only when the Tamil presence must be erased.

๐—ฉ. ๐— ๐—ถ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—–๐—ผ๐—น๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ฝ๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—–๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ถ๐—น ๐—š๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ

With a ratio of one soldier for every six civilians, the North-East remains under de facto military rule.
A recurring pattern is visible:

โ€ข A small Buddha statue is placed

โ€ข The military provides protection

โ€ข A vihara is constructed

โ€ข A Sinhala settlement follows

Civil administrators attempting resistance face direct political pressure from Colombo, rendering civil governance symbolic.

๐—–๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—น๐˜‚๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป: ๐—” ๐—ฃ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—ท๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜€๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ

What has unfolded since 2009 is not religious expression.
It is a calculated strategy to dismantle an indigenous peopleโ€™s relationship with land, history, and power.

From Jaffnaโ€™s private plots to Batticaloaโ€™s grazing fields,ย the Sinhalaโ€“Buddhist state expansionย seeks to transform Tamils into:

โ€ข Permanent minorities
โ€ข Landless communities
โ€ข Politically fragmented populations

If left unchallenged, this project will succeed not through violence aloneโ€”but through time, bureaucracy, and silence.

Written by

โœ’๏ธ

Eelaththu Nilavan
Tamil National Historian | Analyst of Global Politics, Economics, Intelligence & Military Affairs

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